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Additional Pearl Harbor Documentation

False Flag Operations

Part One: The Pearl Harbor Perspective

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The “Pearl Harbor” Perspective

Of a long list of deliberate government cover-ups of crimes committed by trusted men and women in seats of governmental power, including Presidents themselves, perhaps none rings more sharply in the American mind today than the deception by President Franklin Delano Roosevelt regarding the attack at Pearl Harbor on December 07, 1941 - the day which he himself declared would “live in infamy”. The “infamy” certainly does live on, but now many Americans know that the author of that infamy was Roosevelt himself. And Roosevelt had help, as we shall now see.

What has come to the attention of the American public, a half-century late, is the fact that President Roosevelt did indeed know that the Japanese war machine would attack Pearl Harbor, and that he, in fact, deliberately let it happen. What is worse yet, Franklin Delano Roosevelt actually employed a secret Statecraft plan to force Japan to attack. And what is even worse than that is the fact, now established and published, that certain people inside the Office of Naval Intelligence deliberately tore vital daily intelligence sections from the daily reports to General Short and Admiral Kimmel, the two military commanders in charge of military affairs at Pearl Harbor, in order to prevent their knowledge of the coming attack.

This sort of information, as it comes to light more than sixty years after Pearl Harbor and World War II, is a shock to my soul, and I'm sure that it is a shock to any American's or Montanan's soul as well. Roosevelt not only knew before-hand that the Japanese would attack on December 07, 1941 at Pearl Harbor, the man pro-actively leveraged the Japanese, deliberately, to cause Japan to attack America. FDR then watched as the attack he wanted was carried out. To succeed with his plan, Roosevelt arranged for key Players in the U.S. Navy and U.S. Army to prevent Admiral Husband Kimmel and General _ Short, the commanders of U.S. forces at Hawaii, from gaining the information which Roosevelt had “on his desk” regarding the coming attack. Kimmel and Short were later made scapegoats on the resultant, official, government-issued “incompetence” theory.

Because this allegation is so hideous and disgusting by its very nature, I would like to now bring to your attention some of the facts which support the allegation. To do so, I rely upon a body of research completed by Robert B. Stinnett and published in his book, Day Of Deceit: The Truth About FDR And Pearl Harbor. (2)

In looking back in time to the weeks and months prior to December 07, 1941, we note that President Roosevelt had deliberately cooperated with, or allowed to go forward, an eight-point plan to provoke Japan into committing an aggression, an “overt act”, against the United States. Let's look at Mr. Stinnett's introduction to that eight-point plan now.

~Begin quoted passages from Day Of Deceit: The Truth About FDR And Pearl Harbor.

As warfare raged in Europe and portions of Africa and Japan, Germany and Italy threatened countries in three continents, a memorandum circulated in Washington. Originating in the Office of Naval Intelligence and addressed to two of FDR's most trusted advisors, it suggested a shocking new American foreign policy. It called for provoking Japan into an overt act of war against the United States. It was written by Lieutenant Commander Arthur H. McCollum, head of the Far East desk of the Office of Naval Intelligence (ONI). (snip)

Lieutenant Commander McCollum's five page memorandum of October 1940 ... put forward a startling plan – a plan intended to engineer a situation that would mobilize a reluctant America into joining Britain's struggle against the German armed forces then overrunning Europe. It's eight actions called for virtually inciting a Japanese attack on American ground, air, and naval forces in Hawaii, as well as on British and Dutch colonial outposts in the Pacific region.

Opinion polls in the summer of 1940 indicated that a majority of Americans did not want the country involved in Europe's wars. Yet FDR's military and State Department leaders agreed that a victorious Nazi Germany would threaten the national security of the United States. They felt that Americans needed a call to action.

McCollum would be an essential part of this plan. His code name was F-2. He oversaw the routing of communications intelligence to FDR from early 1940 to December 7, 1941, and provided the President with intelligence reports on Japanese military and diplomatic strategy. Every intercepted and decoded Japanese military and diplomatic report destined for the White House went through the Far East Asia section of ONI, which he oversaw. The section served as a clearinghouse for all categories of intelligence reports, not only on Japan but on all the other nations of eastern Asia.

Each report prepared by McCollum for the President was based on radio intercepts gathered and decoded by a worldwide network of American military cryptographers and radio intercept operators. McCollum's office was an element of Station US, a secret American cryptographic center located at the main naval headquarters at 18th Street and Constitution Avenue N.W., about four blocks from the White House.

Few people in America's government or military knew as much about Japan's activities and intentions as Lieutenant Commander Arthur H. McCollum. He felt that war with Japan was inevitable and that the United States should provoke it at a time which suited US interests. In his October 1940 memorandum McCollum advocated eight actions that he predicted would lead to a Japanese attack on the United States. [Emphasis mine – I emphasize this because it was the very same idea which FDR believed personally, a sense of inevitability which was arrived at, apparently, by listening to his closest advisors and by listening to the financial interests on Wall Street which, alongside British banking interests, had built-up the Third Reich, and because this statement is an insight into Statecraft operating in Secrecy at the highest international levels. Now for McCollum's eight points...]

A. Make an arrangement with Britain for the use of British bases in the Pacific, particularly Singapore.
B. Make an arrangement with Holland for the use of base facilities and acquisition of supplies in the Dutch East Indies [now Indonesia].
C. Give all possible aid to the Chinese government of Chiang Kai-shek [EA note: Charlie Soong's son-in-law].
D. Send a division of long-range heavy cruisers to the Orient, Philippines, or Singapore.
E. Send two divisions of submarines to the Orient.
F. Keep the main strength of the US Fleet, now in the Pacific, in the vicinity of the Hawaiian Islands.
G. Insist that the Dutch refuse to grant Japanese demands for undue economic concessions, particularly oil.
H. Completely embargo all trade with Japan, in collaboration with a similar embargo imposed by the British Empire.

(snip) ...a series of secret presidential routing logs plus collateral intelligence information in Navy files offer conclusive evidence that they [EA: Navy Captain Dudley W. Knox, one of Roosevelt's most trusted advisors, and FDR himself – see pages 8 and 9 in book] did see it. [EA: The McCollum memo] Beginning the very next day, with FDR's involvement, McCollum's proposals were systematically put into effect.

Throughout 1941, it seems, provoking Japan into an overt act of war was the principal policy that guided FDR's actions toward Japan. Army and Navy directives containing the “overt act” phrase were sent to Pacific commanders. Roosevelt's cabinet members, most notably Secretary of War Henry Stimson [EA: Stimson worked also for Woodrow Wilson and was Skull and Bones], are on record favoring the policy, according to Stimson's diary. Stimson's diary entries of 1941 place him with nine other Americans who knew or were associated with this policy of provocation during 1941.

Roosevelt's “fingerprints” can be found on each of McCollum's proposals. One of the most shocking was Action D, the deliberate deployment of American warships within or adjacent to the territorial waters of Japan. During secret White House meetings, Roosevelt personally took charge of Action D. He called the provocations “pop-up” cruises: “I just want them to keep popping up here and there and keep the Japs guessing. I don't mind losing one or two cruisers, but do not take a chance on losing five or six.” Admiral Husband Kimmel, the Pacific Fleet commander, objected to the pop-up cruises, saying: “It is ill-advised and will result in war if we make this move.” [EA note: this was exactly what four-star Major General Smedley Butler had warned the nation about in his book, published in the 1930s, entitled "War Is A Racket"]

End quoted passages from pages 6 – 8 in Day Of Deceit: The Truth About FDR And Pearl Harbor.
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Reading the book reveals that Franklin Delano Roosevelt, grandson of the Delano family's historic opium dealings in China for the Skull And Bones-founding Russell Company of Boston, having come to the White House from Wall Street business ties and associations, [3: footnote Sutton's “FDR And Wall Street”] deliberately led this nation into World War II by provoking the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. He provoked it; his Navy intercepted and broke the Japanese highest secret codes, he knew the attack was coming; he knew when and where it would happen; and he let it happen. Then he acted surprised in front of the entire nation and the world. The day after Pearl Harbor, one million American men joined the military to fight in World War II.

I often use the word “pretext”. Roosevelt's eight-point plan, provided by McCollum, was in effect the creation of a pretext to involve this nation in war. It was not the first time a U.S. President had made use of a false pretext, nor would it be the last. Sadly, it is now seen in retrospect as yet one more example of how Secrecy in Statecraft in the name of Security can become a very self-damning notion, a false-flag pretext. Such pretexts, as noted by Barrie Zwicker, are too often observed in history as defining peaks, as world-altering events. [See Bibliography, Documentary Films: "Confronting The Evidence" for Barrie Zwicker's televised comment.]

This may be questioned, or at least doubted, until the reader completes reading the book by Stinnett. Regarding Stinnett himself, he served in the U.S. Navy from 1942 to 1946. Like many veterans of war, Stinnett felt obliged, afterward, to answer some questions for himself. He spent about seventeen years researching this information, and made countless requests through the Freedom Of Information Act in order to obtain the documents which support his announcement of FDR's complicity in the conspiracy to draw America into WWII. Bruce Bartlett, writing a review of Stinnett's work for the Wall Street Journal, said this: “Fascinating and readable .... Exceptionally well-presented.” Richard Bernstein, writing in the New York Times, has this to say: “It is difficult, after reading this copiously documented book, not to wonder about previously unchallenged assumptions about Pearl Harbor”.

Difficult, indeed. But as we who seek the truth have no alternative, we must now, because of Mr. Stinnett's documented and authenticated research, accept the bitter truth that President Franklin Delano Roosevelt knowingly incited the Japanese to attack, knew that Japan would attack Pearl Harbor on December 07, 1941, and let it happen. He did so for a reason.

Our sailors and soldiers stationed at Pearl Harbor were not allowed to know of the impending attack. In effect, they were used as bait. As we shall see, they were sacrificed on the altar of the New World Order.

Question: For which of Professor David Ray Griffin's list of four possible interpretations of 911, listed above, does Roosevelt's actions set the precedent?

I would say that the FDR/Pearl Harbor incident represents a combination of two or more of the above-listed four interpretations of 911, transferred from 911 back in time to Pearl Harbor. When U.S. foreign policy was altered by the adoption of Lieutenant Commander McCollum's eight-point plan, it was done so by design. As Stinnett's book documents completely, that “design” was to cause Japan to attack America, so that the American people could be galvanized into a solidified support base for America's entry into World War II. The only people left on earth who may in 2006 attempt to dispute this are the people who have not read Stinnett's book. The documentation for this is there. It's just that plain and simple. But can I expect the average Federal employee to read that book? Have any officials of the Federal government apologized to the victims, survivors, and families of that infamy? Countless millions of Americans to this day think that FDR was a friend to America and especially to poor Americans.

It is not a stretch in logic to note that in such way certain “elements within the U.S. government” - government employees - conspired to cause an international act of military aggression against the American people, their property, and aspects of their representative government. It was not a band of Nazi spies or Japanese insurgents who had infiltrated the government or the military – it was supposedly well-meaning individuals working in Secrecy inside government seats of authority and power who forced the Japanese to attack America as a pretext to draw America into World War II, and then lied about it, attempted to cover it up. It remained covered-up for a half-century, despite a number of Congressional investigations, the latest coming in 1995.

Stinnett uncovers the whole sordid affair very well. The man has dug up the documents, including some which the government had ordered destroyed, but which had been overlooked in the government's less-than-perfect purge of the records.

Again I note that this entire notion, this perception which now shows that a U.S. President would lie to the American people about something so horrendous and despicable as allowing a foreign power to attack Pearl Harbor, and would deliberately withhold his foreknowledge from the commanders of our military forces at Pearl Harbor, Admiral Kimmel and General Short, is so difficult to believe that I feel it to be important to show readers here some additional material from Stinnett's book, after which I will include some passages from Professor Carroll Quigley's Tragedy And Hope (4) which indicate the fact from yet another perspective.

~Begin passages from pages 206 – 208 in Day Of Deceit: The Truth About FDR And Pearl Harbor:

Throughout the weekend of November 28-30, the solar storm bounced the Akagi's radio transmissions across the Pacific to US Navy intercept stations on Oahu, Alaska, and America's West Coast and to the SS Lurline. Kimmel was informed of the Akagi broadcasts by Rochefort's report dated November 30. The admiral read the warning on the morning of December 2 and asked his intelligence officer, Edwin Layton: “Where are the carriers?” Layton said he didn't know. With a twinkle in his eye, Kimmel asked, “Could they be rounding Diamond Head?” Layton's reply was, “I hope they would have been discovered before then.” But Layton may not have been completely frank. He said that Japan's Carrier Divisions One and Two had not been heard from for at least fifteen to twenty-five days – starting from mid-November. He then expanded the falsification: “Neither the carriers, carrier division commanders or the carrier commander-in-chief [Nagumo] had been addressed in any of the thousands of messages that came out of the Naval General Staff. In addition, no traffic [radio transmissions] had been originated by the carriers.”

Joseph Rochefort of Station HYPO backed up Layton, claiming that from December 1 onward “We lost our knowledge of their activities and their position because they had gone on radio silence.” On the eve of the attack he told Kimmel, “Carriers are lost, carriers not heard.” Later in 1946, during the Pearl Harbor investigation, Rochefort modified his statement, testifying on February 15, 1946, that he had “located them in a negative sense.”

Homer Kisner told the author [Stinnett] that bearing locations obtained by the radio direction finder[RDF] operators were part of the complete intelligence bundle he delivered each day to Station HYPO. Until the end of October, RDF reports were included in intelligence summaries sent to both Kimmel and the White House. But beginning November 1, the RDF reports were omitted from the summaries delivered to Kimmel. When shown the omissions by the author [Stinnett] in 1988, Kisner was astounded. “Who held them back? They should have gone to the admiral!” he said.

Why were the RDF reports missing from Admiral Kimmel's copy? Rochefort's original Communications Summaries were found by the author [Stinnett] stored among Navy records in the National Archives, but all the RDF reports for November and December 1941 were crudely cut from the copy of each report that had been prepared for Kimmel. Every RDF fix had been excised some time after Kisner delivered the complete reports to Station HYPO. No one at the National Archives could explain the deletions. When were they cut? Before they were delivered to the admiral? Did the deletions trigger the “Where are the carriers” question Kimmel directed to Layton?

In 1993, the deletion questions were posed to Richard A. von Doenhoff, a specialist in the Pearl Harbor section of the National Archives. He confirmed that more than sixty-five of Rochefort's November and December Summaries intended for Kimmel had been mutilated. Von Doenhoff wrote the author [Stinnett] that the RDF pages which listed Japanese warship locations had been cut prior to the start of the 1945 Congressional Hearings. “We examined the Fourteenth Naval District Communication Summaries and found that those summaries had indeed been cut off from the bottom of the pages. We have no idea why this was done, but it appears that the documents were entered into evidence during 1945 and 46 in this manner.”

So began the myth of the radio silence of the Japanese carrier force. It is a myth that has endured for over fifty years and that continues to baffle historians. In 1995 Stephen Ambrose, one of America's most distinguished historians, excoriated the pre-Pearl Harbor intelligence when he wrote: “It was simply terrible. In late November, intelligence 'lost' the Japanese aircraft carrier fleet,” Ambrose wrote. He repeated this charge in the Wall Street Journal in May 1999.

Layton's claim about the carrier commands' radio silence does not hold up to scrutiny. There were 129 Japanese naval intercepts obtained by US Naval monitor stations between November 15 and December 6 that directly contradict Layton's figures. The intercept rate can be documented from the records of Stations CAST and H. For the 21-day period, it averages 6.3 intercepts per day. All categories of Japanese carriers and carrier commands cited by Layton as on radio silence either originated radio broadcasts or received messages during the three-week period, according to an analysis of the intercepts conducted by the Navy's 1941 radio traffic experts, Captain Duane Whitlock of Station CAST and Homer Kisner of Station H.

~End quoted passages from Day Of Deceit: The Truth About FDR And Pearl Harbor.

I would love to type in here what Stinnett has printed on the pages which follow the above passages, but will instead urge the Committee members to read the book for themselves. Stinnett has done all his homework, and in a most-dedicated and persistent manner. The proof is all there. Roosevelt knew; and Admiral Kimmel, commander of the fleet at Pearl Harbor, was kept in the dark so that he could not prevent the coming attack on Pearl Harbor. Equally as bad, the U.S. Senate has repeatedly since 1941 and as recently as 1995 pro-actively covered-up this information and hidden it from the American people.

Let us now ponder the meaning of this one point from American history. While Roosevelt undoubtedly had specific Wall Street influences effecting behind-the-scenes roles in his thinking, he was predisposed to agree with Lieutenant Commander McCollum that America would sooner or later be dragged into war against the Japanese and the Nazis. Both McCollum and Roosevelt also knew that most Americans were locked into their “isolationist” beliefs and would not support America's entry into World War II. They felt that a viable “pretext” was called for, a pretext which would galvanize the American public to support America's entry into World War II. The McCollum plan was the selected Policy which would be enacted to ensure that the Japanese would provide that pretext.

From there the treachery deepened. Admiral Husband Kimmel and General Short would necessarily need to be kept in the dark about this. The eight-point plan would be fruitless if Kimmel and Short guessed the date and place of the coming attack, so FDR deliberately arranged for them to remain “outside the loop” on this extremely sensitive Policy of provocation. Roosevelt, McCollum, and a number of other key government employees formed a conspiracy to prevent Kimmel and Short from gaining knowledge of the date and place of the coming attack, lest they do their duty and avert the attack on Pearl Harbor.

That is a serious accusation, so again I urge everyone to read Day Of Deceit: The Truth About FDR And Pearl Harbor by Robert B. Stinnett (2). In the meantime, I'll close this one example of abusive Secrecy in Statecraft with two brief quotations from the book. The first snippet includes one of the most sordid and soul-less statements ever uttered in American history:

~Begin quotation, page 203:

In his postwar testimony to Congress, Admiral Husband Kimmel maintained that he would have been ready to defend Pearl Harbor ...”if I had anything which indicated to me the probability of an attack on Hawaii.” The information that Kimmel needed was available – so available, in fact, that it often appears as though the Japanese had made few efforts to conceal it. As we now know, Lieutenant Commanders Joseph Rochefort and Edwin Layton could have provided that indication, but they did not do so.

Their failure allowed Japan's First Air Fleet to make its surprise attack and then to escape to Japan. In a postwar assessment of the attack Rochefort said, “It was a pretty cheap price to pay for unifying the country.” [emphasis mine]

~End quoted passage from page 203; begin quoted passage from page 255:

The key evidence of what really happened began to be concealed as early as December 11, 1941, only four days after the attack. The first step in the clean-up came from Rear Admiral Leigh Noyes, the Navy's Director of Communications. He instituted the fifty-four-year censorship policy that consigned the pre-Pearl Harbor Japanese military and diplomatic intercepts and the relevant directives to Navy vaults. “Destroy all notes or anything in writing,” Noyes told a group of his subordinates on December 11.

~End quoted passage on page 255.

I remain devastated by this revelation about Pearl Harbor. Like Barrie Zwicker, in retrospect I feel that America was in an honorable role by opposing Hitler and the Axis powers of WWII, and I am not ashamed that America entered that war. (7) But there was a better way to drag an unwilling American public into the fray, after all. It's called representative government, and it is implemented by educating the people with the truth instead of deceiving them. The path Roosevelt chose was Secrecy in Statecraft, and now his untidy little secret is out of the bag, and it is with embarrassment and shame that Americans everywhere shall remember the man – and his personal infamy. The dead at Pearl Harbor, I submit, could they speak to us today, would reinforce my sentiment on this.

Additional Pearl Harbor Documentation

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